President Xi Jinping’s speech at the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China sent a clear message to everyone in Hong Kong that the central government is committed to fully and faithfully implementing the principles of “one country, two systems”, “Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong”, and a high degree of autonomy. Xi mentioned two undertakings in the two special administrative regions: to exercise overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong and Macao, and to implement the legal systems and enforcement mechanisms for the two special administrative regions to safeguard national security. The rationale is simple: Protecting China’s sovereignty, security and development interests will ensure lasting prosperity and stability in Hong Kong.
Ever since China resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong, the central government has been faithfully implementing “one country, two systems”. Over 24 years, the relevant policies and measures have seen gradual improvements as the authorities gain more knowledge about the practice of the policy, including such obstacles as obstructions by anti-China force from home and abroad.
For the first time the central government unequivocally pointed out its overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong in an official document, specifically in the white paper “The Practice of the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” in June 2014, in response to fierce political wrangling over universal suffrage in the city. The document unequivocally states the central government’s power of oversight over the exercise of a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong. “The central government exercises overall jurisdiction over the HKSAR, including the powers directly exercised by the central government, and the powers delegated to the HKSAR by the central government to enable it to exercise a high degree of autonomy in accordance with the law,” it reads. As the situation in the special administrative region devolved, the National Security Law for Hong Kong was enacted in 2020 to curb the “black revolution”, followed by the improvement of the city’s electoral system this year. The two undertakings laid out by Xi should be viewed in the same vein, as they are inherent in the full and faithful implementation of the principles of “one country, two systems”, “Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong”, and a high degree of autonomy.
While Marxism forms its theoretical foundation, the CPC roots its methodology in social realities rather than dogmatism. In retrospection of the early years after the handover, we realize that our understanding of the principles of “Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong” and a high degree of autonomy was superficial. At that time, mainland officials’ visits to Hong Kong were strictly restricted. The restrictions were relaxed only after then-chief executive Tung Chee-hwa proposed the Individual Visit Scheme for mainland tourists to help boost Hong Kong’s economy.
The ups and downs Hong Kong experienced after its reunification with the mainland convinced me that the city relies on the central government’s support in at least three aspects.
Firstly, Hong Kong is not immune from external infiltration; it has been exploited as an outpost by hostile powers such as the United States to contain China. Under colonial rule, Hong Kong people had freedom, but no democracy. During the transition period, the British Hong Kong government began to plant political land mines, which included the fostering of democratic resistance forces against communism. The US expanded its presence and the size of its consulate general in Hong Kong before the handover: It absorbed the British residual influence, while cultivating its clout across various sectors in the city. From rallying opposition against Article 23 legislation in 2003 to the “black revolution” in 2019, tactics adopted by “color revolutions” were put on show in Hong Kong. The new Joe Biden administration has maintained its predecessor’s antagonistic policy, while enlisting European nations and Japan to openly interfere in Hong Kong’s affairs. Last week, the European Parliament cited the closure of Apple Daily in its absurd attempt to boycott the Winter Olympics in Beijing. It is obvious that the Hong Kong government alone cannot fend off the ferocious attacks.
Meanwhile, internal stumbling blocks are challenging the city’s economic development. The economic landscape is dominated by local vested interests whose entrenched prowess has been strong enough to influence the government’s decision-making. The issue cannot be solved simply from within, and the bottleneck challenges cannot be resolved merely through local efforts. Over the decades, Hong Kong has failed to solve its livelihood problems on its own, proving the necessity to approach the central government for State-level solutions.
Another stumbling block lies in the current model of governing by administrative officers. The city aspires for effective governance to handle political turmoil and combat the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the reform of the civil service cannot be achieved merely from internal initiation, the central government should take the initiative to fix the incompetent system.
Actions in these three aspects will serve the central government’s purpose of exercising overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong, implementing legal systems and enforcement mechanisms to safeguard national security, and ensuring lasting prosperity and stability in the special administrative region.
The author is president of Hong Kong think tank the Golden Mean Institute.
Source：China Daily ［2021-07-14］
